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The Main Draw at Andrew Giuliani’s Campaign Events? His Father.

The Main Draw at Andrew Giuliani’s Campaign Events? His Father.

HAUPPAUGE, N.Y. — On a blazing Saturday afternoon in eastern Long Island, after hours of sun-baked stump speeches by candidates of little renown, it was finally Giuliani time.

As the strains of Lee Greenwood’s “God Bless the U.S.A.” filled the air, the crowd of about 200 Republican voters swooned to the sounds of an extended harangue against government mandates, socialism and the House committee investigating the Jan. 6 Capitol riot.

Dozens of admirers crowded nearby, shooting video or hoping to get a selfie. After the speech was over, well-wishers lined up for a chance at an autograph and a red hat bearing the surname of the man who seemed to be the featured attraction: Rudolph W. Giuliani.

Standing beside him was his son Andrew, the actual candidate in what is increasingly resembling a tandem campaign for governor of New York.

With just over two weeks to go before the Republican primary on June 28, Andrew Giuliani’s unlikely campaign has remained visible and viable in no small part because of his famous last name and the continued prominence of, and appearances by, his father, formerly the mayor of New York City and a personal lawyer of former President Donald J. Trump.

The elder Mr. Giuliani, 78, has regularly campaigned with his son since he began running for office last year, often serving as both his warm-up act and sidekick at the Israel Day Parade and at Memorial Day marches and news conferences outside City Hall.

His efforts have been welcomed by the younger Mr. Giuliani, 36, who is running a shoestring campaign, driving up and down the state in a collection of donated vans and trucks emblazoned with his face, in hopes of upsetting the party’s anointed nominee, Representative Lee M. Zeldin of Long Island.

Regardless of who wins the nomination, making it to the governor’s mansion will be an uphill battle for Republicans, who haven’t won statewide office in two decades. Their likely Democratic opponent is Gov. Kathy Hochul, who has more than $18 million in her campaign coffers, in a state in which registered Democrats outnumber Republicans by more than two to one.

“I feel honored that he would take his time to help us get over the finish line,” Andrew Giuliani said about his father, after posing for dozens of photographs alongside him. “I feel very, very blessed.”

Political families are, of course, not uncommon in New York, where the former governor, Andrew M. Cuomo, was a son of another former governor, Mario M. Cuomo. Families like the Addabbos, the Weprins and the Diazes have all spawned father-son pairs who became lawmakers.

Nor is it really that surprising that Andrew Giuliani, who famously mugged for the camera during his father’s first inauguration in 1994, would lean on him for support: He is making his first run for public office and has a limited record to fall back on.

His primary political experience is the four years he spent in the Trump White House, serving as a special assistant to the president and working in the Office of Public Liaison — hardly classic preparation for Albany.

Mr. Zeldin, a four-term congressman, remains far better financed, with more than $3.1 million in campaign funds as of late last month; Mr. Giuliani had about a tenth of that, according to campaign disclosure statements.

Two other candidates — Rob Astorino, the former Westchester County executive, and Harry Wilson, a corporate turnaround expert — also have more to spend than Mr. Giuliani.

And although Mr. Giuliani has a direct connection to Mr. Trump, getting his endorsement is far from assured. Mr. Zeldin is an avid Trump supporter who voted to overturn the results of the 2020 election in key swing states, an effort, ironically, that Rudolph Giuliani led.

A 2008 presidential candidate who was once hailed as America’s Mayor, the elder Mr. Giuliani saw his law license suspended and his public persona tarnished, at least in some circles, as a result of his work for Mr. Trump. Those activities, in service of a false narrative of a stolen election, were given a fresh airing last week during a prime-time hearing by the House committee investigating the Capitol assault on Jan. 6, 2021.

In a recent interview on Newsmax, the right-wing network where he has appeared as a political analyst, Andrew Giuliani said that while Mr. Trump was “kind of like an uncle to me,” he did not expect an endorsement, and that he thought the former president was “probably going to sit this one out.”

That doesn’t mean the Giulianis aren’t trying: Both appeared at a recent fund-raiser hosted by Representative Elise Stefanik at Trump National Golf Club Westchester, where a round-table discussion and photo op with the former president cost $25,000 a head. Mr. Astorino was also there, mingling near the back; Mr. Zeldin had a prior commitment.

In remarks at an outdoor reception, the former president lavished praise on the younger Mr. Giuliani, but the compliments had nothing to do with his political future.

“He did talk about him, but it was all about golf,” said Gerard Kassar, the chairman of the New York Conservative Party, which has endorsed Mr. Zeldin. “I do not believe the president is getting involved in the race at all, as much as the Giuliani people want him to.”

There has been little definitive polling on the race, though Mr. Giuliani has taken to calling himself “the front-runner” as a result of a single online poll from May, something that the Zeldin campaign scoffs at, citing other polls that show Mr. Giuliani with higher unfavorable ratings than Mr. Zeldin. (Mr. Giuliani, however, has higher name recognition, with better favorable ratings than Mr. Zeldin.)

Katie Vincentz, a spokeswoman for the Zeldin campaign, said that the congressman intended to “run up the score” on Primary Day to prove that he could beat Ms. Hochul.

“Lee Zeldin is going to win this race, because New Yorkers need him to win this race, and save our state,” she said.

Mr. Giuliani and his supporters have cast his run as an outsider’s campaign, arguing that his lack of experience in New York politics and policy is actually a positive.

His platform leans heavily on tackling crime, promising a $5 billion fund for police forces around the state while also pledging to cut the state budget. He is not averse to Trumpian nicknames, dubbing Ms. Hochul “Crime Wave Kathy.”

His father has employed some of the same imagery on the campaign trail as Mr. Trump, calling Albany “a swamp” that’s “got to be cleaned up,” echoing the former president’s own rhetoric about Washington in his 2016 campaign.

Curtis Sliwa, last year’s Republican nominee for New York City mayor, has been stumping for the campaign as well. He supported the elder Mr. Giuliani’s first unsuccessful run for mayor back in 1989, “when Andrew was just a little tot,” he said.

Nowadays, he said, he backs Andrew because of his focus on crime, something that Republicans feel is a winning issue this election cycle, particularly in New York, where opposition to bail reform has been a potent issue for conservatives.

“It is the talk of everybody that I deal with,” said Mr. Sliwa, the founder of the Guardian Angels, the citizen patrol group. “And it’s not just in the five boroughs; it’s throughout the state. They want to know what the next governor is going to do about the high crime rates.”

Mr. Giuliani declined a request for an interview, but at various events on Long Island and in Albany and outside Rochester, he was friendly and open to brief questions from a New York Times reporter. (The elder Mr. Giuliani did not return requests for comment.)

But he also told Newsmax last week that he felt “legacy outlets” had a liberal bias and claimed that he had chided the Times reporter about it. (For the record, he had not.)

“I told him that, ‘You remind me more of Pravda than you do a free press right now because you are so tilted on one side,’” Mr. Giuliani said. “I don’t mind tough questions, but just make sure they’re fair on both sides of the aisle.”

As for how he might manage a state of 20 million people with no executive experience, his father suggested that he had learned — as many children do — by observation.

“He watched me do it,” the elder Mr. Giuliani said during his remarks on Long Island, talking about how to lower crime rates, adding, “He knows how to do it.”

Still, some New York Republicans say that the younger Mr. Giuliani is overreaching by starting his political career running for the state’s highest office.

“If his name was Andrew Smith, obviously he wouldn’t be running for governor,” said John J. Faso, a former Hudson Valley congressman and the 2006 Republican nominee for governor, who called Mr. Giuliani’s candidacy a “sideshow.”

Mr. Giuliani has impressed some with his natural political skills: He’s comfortable and affable on television and in front of crowds, with a wide smile and a more easygoing demeanor than his sometimes temperamental father.

But his campaign rhetoric is cast in the Trump mold, emphasizing divisive culture-war topics, railing against critical race theory and a “war on cops,” and professing disdain for phrases like “gender dysphoria.”

“I’m not a biologist,” Mr. Giuliani said during a campaign stop in Conesus, N.Y., south of Rochester. “But I do know the difference between a man and a woman.”

Married with a young daughter, Mr. Giuliani is an avid golfer who once sued after being left off the Duke University golf team.

He says that he has had little time to hit the links since the campaign started, telling a prospective voter, Keith Hilpl, that he’d played infrequently in the last year, though he had caught a round with Mr. Trump.

Mr. Hilpl had driven about 80 miles to see Mr. Giuliani at the event in Conesus after hearing him on Steve Bannon’s podcast and visiting his campaign website.

“I always liked his father,” said Mr. Hilpl, a software programmer. “And I wanted to see if he was made of the same stuff.”

Sure enough, he seemed impressed, leaving the event with a campaign hat and a lawn sign.

Back at the event in Hauppauge, a Suffolk County hamlet that sits on the edge of Mr. Zeldin’s district, many in attendance expressed unequivocal adoration for the elder Mr. Giuliani.

“He saved New York,” said Penny Cialone, 60, adding, “And I think Andrew could do exactly what his dad did.”

The younger Mr. Giuliani happily joked with his father, briefly jumping up as he began to speak.

“We have a tradition of me interrupting his speeches,” he said. “I haven’t matured at all.”

At the same time, the candidate also seemed aware of his father’s star power, even as the former mayor handed him the microphone.

Taking it, Andrew Giuliani said he was thankful his father wasn’t running for governor.

“Because I’d be in a whole lot of trouble,” he said, “if he could.”

Nicholas Fandos contributed reporting.

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The harrowing sequence of events from a father

The harrowing sequence of events from a father

The father of a 13-year-old child, who was sexually harassed recounts the harrowing sequence of events that happened after they decided to lodge a police complaint

The father of a 13-year-old child, who was sexually harassed recounts the harrowing sequence of events that happened after they decided to lodge a police complaint

After our 13-year-old daughter disclosed that she had been sexually harassed (forcibly hugged and kissed) by an acquaintance, a college student, we visited the police station to give a complaint.

Two women constables made preliminary enquiries with my wife and child, with the Inspector joining them a short while later. The Inspector and a constable then further interviewed the child in another room without my wife present, concluding no serious action was warranted but the harasser would be warned.

On further investigation, they said, if action was necessary they would proceed as per the law. However, no acknowledgment of the complaint letter was given. I learnt later that the POCSO Act, which has provision for our daughter’s harassment as an offense, does not allow for warnings. In fact there is a clause which states that if police don’t record a complaint, a case can be filed against them.

Later in the day, since our daughter disclosed a few more details, we took her for a medical examination, which indicated she had been sexually assaulted. We again approached the police station to register a complaint with the new information. However, since we arrived at 8.45 p.m. and the concerned Inspector was unavailable, we were told to come back the next day. (Not once were we informed that children are not supposed to be brought to the station for the registration of a complaint or that only AWPS process POCSO cases).

The next day, while we were asked to wait outside in the reception area, my daughter was questioned by different police officers, both men and women, for over three hours.

Since the police wanted the complaint written in Tamil and neither of us know the Tamil script, a draft was prepared and our daughter, who takes Tamil as a second language, wrote the complaint in Tamil.

We were then asked to arrange for vehicles to take the police personnel to the location of the exploitation. Our daughter alone was asked to accompany a young-looking police officer in plainclothes into the apartment complex to identify the flats to which she had been taken by the assaulters, while we, and the rest of the police party, waited downstairs. We were very anxious.

Subsequently, I was asked to drive the police to another location, leaving my family waiting on the road side for at least half an hour, until another vehicle that I had arranged arrived. They then followed us to the location of arrests, where one of the accused was bundled into the same vehicle as our daughter to reach the police station. At some point in the evening, police asked me for my vehicle key to go and arrest another alleged assaulter.

From the time we reached the station, 4.30 p.m, till around 11 p.m., our daughter was repeatedly questioned by different police personnel without either of us in the room. If you count the number of times my daughter was questioned, it would seem like she was a mechanical toy, who would talk on demand.

Throughout the day, she only had some snacks.

Even while filing the FIR we had to protest to make sure all details were reflected correctly. And we were given a copy only two days later. We still have not been given the Form A– Entitlement of Children, who have suffered sexual abuse to receive information and services– as per the POCSO Rules, which subsequently we learnt about.

Our stress increased the next day as the constable who accompanied us for the medical examination was in uniform.

We had a long wait at the hospital as the examination was to be done by a doctor, who was already in the theatre. It was surprising that in a hospital exclusively for women, there was only one doctor who could do the examination. While waiting, we were asked by the accompanying constable to buy a new set of clothes for our daughter, which she was asked to change into at a nearby police station, so she could hand over the clothes she had been wearing since the morning. We were perplexed as this was at least a week after the last-known sexual assault, and she was certainly not wearing the clothes in which she had been assaulted.

After the examination was over, we were asked to wait some more time as a senior officer wanted to meet the child. The officer, on arrival, sat in my car with another officer and interviewed the child, again with neither of us present, for about an hour while we waited outside the car. We just could not understand the purpose of these multiple interviews. At last count, this was the 17th interview.

Throughout the day, while we were in the hospital, the police kept calling over the phone asking our daughter to clarify doubts.

The hospital saga continued the next day, which was spent being bounced between two hospitals for various tests. There seems to be little understanding regarding the availability of the testing procedures in hospitals, causing hardship to already traumatised victims. We learnt later that one of the tests was not necessary at all. In my daughter’s case, it was age assessment through an ossification test using radiographs. This is after I had already given the birth certificate and a bonafide certificate from the school as age verification. After taking the police constable to the FSL Lab to drop off samples, we were taken to the Child Welfare Committee (CWC), ostensibly for counselling.

I learnt later that child victims of POCSO offenses need to be produced before the CWC only under three conditions; none of these conditions pertained to our daughter. Neither is counselling a one-time interaction. The question then begs as to the necessity of this engagement. So this again seems to be either a mindless routine process or some sort of vicarious voyeurism.

At the CWC again, our daughter was interviewed separately without the parents. In fact completely tired by all the running around, she was asleep and had to be woken up for the interview.

Later in the evening, we were asked to hand over the tablet she had been using to communicate on social media, to the station. We have not been given a receipt or any acknowledgement of handing over this item to police custody, to date.

We were called early morning the next day to come to the station, as soon as possible, and wait in the car as the police had detained some more suspects. Again we were asked to arrange for a vehicle, which was on call for about six hours before it was dismissed, as it was not used.

After waiting for a long time with our daughter, we were asked to go home.

A couple of days later, court summons was brought by a constable to our house around dinner time, asking our daughter to be present at court next morning. Why were we given such short notice time? Our daughter was in the midst of exams and I requested an afternoon slot.

While getting ready to leave for court the next day, one of the police personnel called, regarding the directions to my residence as ‘a senior officer wanted to visit’. After I questioned the purpose for this visit, he quickly backtracked and said the Officer wasn’t planning to visit, but just wanted to confirm the address. A little later, much to my shock, the senior officer showed up at our doorstep, along with uniformed personnel. This was despite us telling the same uniformed personnel, earlier in the day, categorically that they should not come to our residence in uniform but to meet us at a common point en route to the court.

Despite me saying it was getting late and it would take some time to reach the court, the senior officer proceeded to make himself comfortable while making some desultory talk. Agitated by the delay, I told him there is no point in having this inane conversation, and that this visit seemed highly irregular.

It is also obvious many personal details of my family and the case, which only the police knew, are now in public domain. How did this happen?

Almost every day, there is some interaction with the authorities about one thing or another. Besides the initial leave I took from work, I can still only work in fits and starts. With all this, how can I economically and emotionally support my family through this crisis?

(As told to Vidya Reddy of Tulir Centre for the Prevention and Healing of Child Sexual Abuse.)

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Ukrainian biathlete pulls out of event at Paralympics after father captured by Russian forces | CBC Sports

Ukrainian biathlete pulls out of event at Paralympics after father captured by Russian forces | CBC Sports

Ukrainian biathlete Anastasiia Laletina was forced to pull out of the women’s sitting middle distance event at the Beijing Winter Paralympics on Tuesday after her father was captured by Russian forces, a spokesperson for the Ukrainian Paralympic Committee.

“Her father is a soldier in the Ukrainian army and [was taken] prisoner by Russian soldiers. They beat him,” said Ukrainian Paralympic team spokeswoman Nataliia Harach, to AFP News.

The spokeswoman told Reuters they had no further details on his capture.

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine last month, which Moscow describes as a “special operation” to disarm the country, prompted the International Paralympic Committee to ban Russian and Belarusian athletes from the Games.

Belarus has been a key staging area for Russian troops.

The spokeswoman said that the 19-year-old Laletina was still in Zhangjiakou, China — the venue for the cross-country skiing and biathlon events — and will fly out to Poland with the rest of contingent at the end of the Games.

Despite the initial uncertainty around their participation, Ukraine continued to collect medals at the Games on Wednesday by winning a silver and bronze in cross-country skiing. They are third in the table, where the ranking is based on gold medals won, behind hosts China and Canada.

WATCH | Russian, Belarusian athletes barred from Beijing Paralympics:

Russian, Belarusian athletes banned from Winter Paralympics

Organizers of the Winter Paralympics have reversed course and expelled athletes from Russia and Belarus. The about-face came less than 24 hours after the International Paralympic Committee announced it would allow Russians and Belarusians to compete, but only as neutral athletes. 3:57